Excerpt from my thesis

2. LITERATURE REVIEW 

  

Purpose, search strategy and study selection  

Review of relevant literature was done to locate evidence on the key propositions of this study by comparing and contrasting key themes and patterns and locate gaps in the literature. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analysis (PRISMA) statement was used (Moher et al. 2010). Full text peer reviewed published articles were searched in four electronic databases (Scopus, ProQuest, Google Scholar and Expanded Academic ASAP). Policy briefs, commentaries, reports and books were also hand searched and through generation searches. Date of publication and study quality were not used for selecting retrieved articles because most anthropological work done earlier which were deemed useful for this review included mostly books and in other cases without detailed description of study methodology. At the abstract level, studies were however selected if they had 2 or more of the key themes identified anywhere in the article. Searches were conducted under four concepts using key words shown in appendix 1.   

 

Findings  

After duplicates were removed, a total of 280, both qualitative and quantitative studies, books and grey literature were uploaded onto endnote for screening and selection. Final 76 articles selected were then retrieved on a word 2016 template. The articles were organised into disciplines, and under each discipline, key findings were identified according to six key themes of the study. Analysis took place at this stage where themes, concepts and patterns were juxtaposed and gaps identified. Organising the studies this way helped identify epistemological positions as well as patterns within each study (Miles & Huberman 2013). Findings are discussed below under each seven key themes of this study. Appendix 2 shows how selected studies were organised and data analysis under each theme. The seventh theme is discussed throughout the six themes.  

 

Culture and land  

Of 11 studies that addressed culture and land, one reviewed Marxist land regime in socialist economies (Munro 2012), the other reviewed cultural connection to land amongst Australian, Canadian and Taiwanese indigenous and farming societies (Berkes et al. 2009) and 9 studies were done in PNG where one author (Ballard) had five consecutive papers. The Marxist social capitalist ideology of primogeniture where first born male inherits land creating a formally structured and institutionalised inequality gap from household to wider societal levels was found to contradict traditional land ownership and custodianship in this context (Munro 2012). The cultural organization of land is not forced, but organised and accepted in an egalitarian society based on layers of meanings. All of Ballard’s (2002, 2001, 1998, 1997, 1995) anthropological and ethnographic work in the Huli society of Hela Province in PNG show how connection to land is ethno-historical. Certain cultural myths, folklores and theories about evolution, fertility, morality, mortality and morbidity give meaning to ways in which people value, own, distribute and use land. And these findings were similar in the Yuna society where connection to land has meanings about cosmology, death and dying and afterlife (Modjeska 1982, Strathern & Stewart 2005). Clearly these studies show that land is not just a place in space and time. Land is an economic, social and cultural asset, wealth and source of life. Land defines an individual’s sense of identity and belonging to one’s society and culture (Ballard 1997, Berkes et al. 2009). Recent work by Anderson (2006) shows how frequent tribal fights, conflicts, warfare and disputes arise over land disputes disrupting farming communities all over PNG. Westermark (1997) demonstrate how multinational corporations such as mining companies create land disputes among tribal members through developments on the land. 

 

 Like any other dominant culture, PNG highlands is patriarchal. Men have more right and control over land. Men make decisions about how land is farmed, used for cash cropping or other purposes such as building houses. Men inherit land from their fathers and forefathers through detailed genealogies and clan histories which govern land boundaries and any breech of them is considered unethical and unlawful, and may lead to conflict and wider social disorder (Anderson 2006, Ballard 1998). Land ownership, distribution and use is genealogically paternalistic. Ideas, theories and knowledge about land fertility, farming methods, cultivation, fallowing, shifting and selection of garden site and resilience strategies are passed through paternal bloodlines (Ballard 2002, 2001, 1998, 1995). Land is more than just source of food and these are passed on through generations. Landscapes signify for example ancestral dwellings, scared sites, burial sites and boundaries. And decisions about the choices of crop production, domestication, diversification, adoption, adaptation and cash cropping (Allen et al. 1995, Modjeska 1982). Similar evidence amongst Aboriginal peoples of Australia, Canada and Taiwan show how such dominant cultures have similarities in collective cultural memory and translation of people’s connection with land (Berkes et al. 2009).  

 

All the studies share similar views on patriarchal ownership over land as economic and social asset which can lead to societal conflicts. Most of the studies show the nature of human-land interconnection defined by layers of meanings, both ideological and behavioural which influence the ways in which land is owned, used and valued (Ballard 1997, Berkes et al. 2009). While this is so, in rural PNG, livelihood is challenging with limited opportunities to economic and infrastructure services from isolation and disadvantage (Windybank & Manning 2003). For example, geographical studies of the Huli found that an already vulnerable farming landscape as a consequence of rainfall, inundation and population growth and cash crop production reduced land mass impacted on selection of garden site, land management and farming methods and techniques (Allen 2002, Umezaki et al. 2000). Similar ethnographic accounts also note that people use their local knowledge to select a suitable garden site, make decisions on fallowing, and farming techniques relative to seasonality, and land and crop fertility (Bayliss-Smith 1991, Sillitoe 1999, Modjeska 1982). Humans have no control over nature, but humans can build resilience for survival (DFID 2000). 

However crucial anthropological work come short of differentiating individual and collective resilience strategies, knowledge, ideas and skills interrelated to the meanings held for sustainable survival strategies (Tanka et al. 1999). Post-modern feminists might argue that women’s control and access over land, crop choices, resources and opportunities lead to dietary diversity in farming households (Kabeer 1994, Tanka et al. 1999). Clearly, a fair socio-cultural analysis should be deconstructive in nature (Schwandt 2000). That means taking an epistemological position of understanding symbols of ideas, theories and knowledge or mental constructions which explain the constructed and reconstructed gendered socio-cultural structures (Blumer 1986, Kabeer 1994).  

 

Gender in farming societies and households  

Ten studies covered gender and farming of which 7 studies done in PNG (Cahn & Liu 2008, Boyd 2001, Minnegal & Dwyer 1997, Pamphilon & Mikhailovich 2017, Sillitoe 2001, Stürzenhofecker 1998, Yamauchi & Ohtsuka 2002), 2 studies reviewed data on gender and agriculture across rural farming communities (Hartmann 2000, Tanka et al. 1999) and one study was done in the Mesopotamian region (Price 2016). All studies show women’s roles, status, access to resources and a power struggle as key gendered factors in farming households and societies. Three studies showed how these factors impacted on food security and women’s nutrition (Cahn & Liu 2008, Yamauchi & Ohtsuka 2002, Tanaka et al. 1999) and one study further showed how these then impacted on child nutrition outcomes (Yamauchi & Ohtsuka 2002). Men and women have different roles prescribed, accepted and expected by society because of their biological differences and social status (Tanka et al. 1999). While men made decisions within the household and society, women spent more time gardening, raising pigs and livestock, preparing food, child rearing and feeding (Sillitoe 2001, Yamauchi & Ohtsuka 2002). Sillitoe (2001) argues that society perceives women’s work to be ‘soft’ compared to men’s ‘hard’ work which is accepted and established as normal social structure in an egalitarian, farming society. Feminists would argue that such a subjugated gender construction is accepted exploitation (Hartmann 2000). When women are exploited this way, their own health and wellbeing are compromised because women have no time to care for themselves (Cahn & Liu 2008).  

This form of gendered construction of roles determines a social status structure where women are deemed to be ‘soft’ thinkers, while men are ‘hard’ thinkers (Sillitoe 2001) therefore women have lower class in the social hierarchy (Cahn & Liu 2008, Hartmann 2000, Kabeer 1994). Women’s knowledge, ideas, skills and capabilities are of no value (Tanka et al.1999). Women are denied equal access to opportunities such as education, income, market, information, technology and finances which contribute to farming, food security and diet patterns (Cahn & Liu 2008, Pamphilon & Mikhailovich 2017, Tanka et al. 1999). This denial does not only impact women, but children as well as society. Yamauchi & Ohtsukai (2002) found that in the Huli society women’s nutrition is compromised while having to work long hours in gardening. The piece of garden land allocated to women is wetland, infertile and require more hard work and energy. Other similar studies also found that female farmers use more energy in times of environmental vulnerabilities (Ategbo 1993). These women were found to give birth to low birth weight babies who are more likely to be undernourished growing up. The link between women’s nutrition and child nutrition has also been confirmed elsewhere in South Asia (Aguayo et al. 2016, Vir 2016). 

While this is so, the power struggle is displayed especially with pig husbandry (Price 2016). Women are masters of pig husbandry, but women don’t own them nor decide what to do with them. That is women had to make sure the pigs were healthy and ready to be slaughtered or used for social good by men who owns them (Sillitoe 2001). Pigs have significance in society, as valuable economic asset, especially in PNG highlands since its domestication around the same time sweet potatoes were introduced some thousands of years of settlement. For institutionalising societal structure such as building relationships, making peace, connecting with communities and feasts (Boyd 2001). Not only in PNG, pigs are also an expression of power, social status and presence in for example Mesopotamian cultures (Price 2016).  

 

Giddens claims that society is made by mutual knowledge. ‘While not made by a single person, society is created and recreated afresh, it not ex nihilo, by the participants in every social encounter. The production of society is a skilled performance, sustained and made to happen by human beings. It is indeed only made possible because every competent member of society is a practical social theorist, in sustaining any sort of encounter he or she draws upon social knowledge and theories, normally in an unforced and routine way, and the use of these practical resources is precisely the condition of the production of the encounter at all’ (Giddens 2013, pp: 21-22). This means that individuals and society are two different aspects of the same human being where individuals by learning through society create society what it is. We can see that knowledge, theories, resources, production and social encounter are some attributes required through the society creation process. From a feminist view, society isn’t made mutually as claimed here (Kabeer 1994, Hartmann 2000). Individuals are classified according to biological make up that is men and women, who are then constructed socially into two genders. Society then allocate women to a lower class with different roles described earlier. That means men’s knowledge, theories and encounters become dominant in the making of society. This social construction is established, accepted and institutionalised informally within homes and communities and formally through wider political space (Kabeer 1994, Hartmann 2000). Women accepting the low class and status find that opportunities to access education, health care and employment are not equal (Hartmann 2000). The social class structure also determine access to resources and choices (Merton 1995, Tanka et al. 1999). It is argued that this class structure is antisocial and immoral because of the consequences of denied access to opportunities for those disadvantaged (Merton 1995). Evidence proves that women’s access to these opportunities is a crucial determinant to holistic child growth and development (Abate & Belachew 2017, Hou 2016, Vir 2016, Shroff et al. 2009, Gibson 2000, Miller et al. 2017, Mittal et al. 2007, Semba et al. 2008).  

While our focus is on the farming woman and her social world, opportunities and resources are not only economic wealth, cash assets, education and paid work. The material resources such as size and quality of farming land (Sillitoe 1999), other food sources such as hunting grounds, household resources such as tools, weapons and artefacts, and level of food security (Modjeska 1982, Sillitoe 2001). The abstract resources such as ideas, knowledge, theories and imaginations of women are also suppressed and devalued in society (Hartmann 2000). We can see the argument shifting from these findings that in order for the farmer woman not to accept what society expects her to accept, we first need an analysis of her own world view. 

 

Local food ways 

Readings on local food ways show that there are multiple ways of sourcing food, but food sources and the ways in which food is sourced is acceptable social practice in a particular socio-cultural context (Allen et al. 2005, Whitehead 2000). Understanding local food ways is to unpack the dynamics of vulnerabilities on food sources, innovation and resilience strategies harnessing those vulnerabilities (Bayliss-Smith 1991), carefully uncovering food adaptation, adoption, domestication and diversity from a historical standpoint (Bourke 2009), meanings attributed to food sourcing and consumption practices (Whitehead 2000) and the socio-cultural structure that defines different roles (Tanka et al. 1999, Sillitoe 2001). The history of local food ways explored in the context of capitalist colonial influence in the Pacific show how food especially protein source foods have been adopted and adapted. These historical reviews show how local people have been exploited of their local farming knowledge and food adaptation while contributing labour and resources for colonial capitalist gains (Plahe et al. 2013). 

A similar finding is clear across different studies that dynamics of traditional food systems, sources and food ways are threatened by the wake of natural disasters, population growth, shifting agriculture practices and cash cropping (Pangau-Adam et al. 2012). Geographical studies describe vulnerabilities on the natural environmental food sources such as natural causes of inundation and high altitudes (Allen 2002). Although impact on access to food can be made deficit, such vulnerabilities have allowed people to understand their natural environment and seasonality. This understanding leads to creativity and innovation through their own local knowledge towards resilience (Bayliss-Smith 1991). For example, knowing when to shift garden lands, how long to fallow, shifting methods of farming from mounding to draining (Ballard 1995, Modjeska 1982, Sillitoe 2001) and selecting different variety of food crops grown. Although sweet potatoes were first root crop introduced to PNG and remains the main staple food for PNG highlands, other root crops such as taro, cassava and yams have been adopted as viable food sources adaptable to vulnerabilities (Bourke & Harwood 2009). A recent study in Australia show that agriculture practices is changing and local farmers have innovatively adopted social capital to adopting new technology. Social capital is based on relationships, networks and use of local knowledge (Wood et al. 2014). Again people creatively encounter vulnerability by innovating responsive strategies to achieve food diversity and agricultural sustainability (Allen 2015). Other similar studies show that people turn to promoting and nurturing wild foods to satisfy hunger, meet social obligations and for nutrient supplements (Bharucha & Pretty 2010). For example, in some low socio-economic Bangladesh communities, famine foods are used for hunger, food security, therapeutic and medicinal reasons (Azam et al. 2014). Anthropological work in PNG show that such human to environmental interconnection require different skill levels and techniques. Apart from farming, specific and valuable skills are required for hunting and pig husbandry (Sillitoe 2001, Whitehead 2000). This is the crossroad of gendered socio-cultural construction of local food ways (Tanka et al.1999). Hunting is a uniquely rare and scared skill of men and boys. Hunting is also a social asset where skills are either acquired or passed through paternal kinship. This gendered construction is based on the belief that hunted animal food source has a social significance that attributes to noble status (Kawabe 1983, Whitehead 2000). These findings are consistent with White (1943) around her anthropological work that culture evolves when humans interact with nature for survival. This interaction requires humans to innovatively develop and use ideas, skills and imagination. For example hunting skills in a subsistence culture would require a different level of cultural evolution compared to use of technology in a market economy (Kawabe 1983, Whitehead 2000). All occur through a gendered construction which disadvantages women (Pamphilon & Mikhailovich 2017). 

 

 

Meaning of food security  

The World Food Security Summit 1996 food security definition as existing ‘when all people, at all times have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life’ (Pinstrup-Andersen 2009). In the context of this study, this definition seems inapplicable. Bourke (2001) argue that PNG is not food insecure, that people especially in rural areas are food secure contrary to FAO’s claims of PNG as one of the most food insecure countries on earth. When food security is seen through a social and cultural lens recognising that food has a social and cultural role and significance more than nutrition value, it is a challenge. It seems that human intentions embedded in societal meanings outweigh food security itself. Intention distinguishes humans with a rationale mind and a social (Carr 1987). In Melanesia for example, food is gathered, sourced, hunted and produced for trade, cultural feasting, exchange, or even sacrificial symbols. As long as there is food to make these social and cultural rituals happen, there is no food insecurity (Wentworth 2016). When we look at the generic definition and this cultural definition, we are trapped by the intentions. In this same study, the ethnographer’s choice of words blames the children for making household food insecurity public by self-inviting themselves to a feast. The feast organisers unwillingly share the feast food empathetically with the children, mostly because they were hungry at home which was food insecure. This empathy seems more of an ‘intentional’ sympathetic expression. Poser’s work in PNG describes empathy that connects and crosses boundaries at an emotional level through food rather than just intentions (Poser 2016). Viewing food security through such social and cultural lens allows us to analyse individual and collective intentions over use of food and how such behaviour impact on what people do.  

 

Food culture, taboos, meaning, values and significance  

Food, especially animal protein rich foods have a social meaning more than nutritional value (Meyer-Rochow, 2009, Poser 2016). In many cultures, protein rich foods have a specific culturally defined place, value and significance (Fieldhouse 2013). When food is viewed this way, its western biomedical nutritional value construction is not adopted or considered important. Social meaning implies that people have a particular perspective on animal protein rich food which signifies social value that gives personal identity to belong to that society Fessler & Navarrete 2003). Many food anthropologists have explored the social meaning of food in different social and cultural contexts. In transition societies, for example PNG where traditional sources of food undergo change with introduction of cash crops and livestock, food therefore is used as a social and cultural means to an end (Worsley 1998). That is parallel to what Whitehead (2000) shows of food as cultural evolution. However social meaning of food produces both restrictive and enhanced uses of food. That is to say customs, rules and taboos that govern how food is to be consumed and used determine access to that food by particular members of society (Wentworth 2016). The food anthropological literature consistently illustrates that when food has particular cultural, social or religious significance, it is restricted to certain members of society, and at certain seasons and social events (Fieldhouse 2013). For example, in a Ghanaian culture, eggs are considered to be of high-quality food so they are only given to first born male children because of their perceived social status (Boatbill et al. 2014). Similarly, pork meat which is the main source of animal protein in PNG highlands communities is occasionally used for household consumption when its principal use is for social events such as feasts, marriages or peace-making rituals (Ballard 1997, Modjeska 1982, Stewart & Strathern 2005, Stürzenhofecker 1998). On the other hand, in most Pacific Island cultures, food has a symbolic meaning and is used for cultural or religious rituals (Meyer-Rochow 2009, Wentworth 2016), socialising and happiness by the Samoans (Alexeyeff, K 2004), or to maintain social status in many PNG cultures (Mintz & Du Bois 2002, Poser 2016, Whitehead 2000). Similarly, Mediterranean diets practised in many areas of Spain, Portugal, Greece, Morocco and Cyprus share food as cultural and social life and warmth as way of building relationships and sharing happiness (Altomare et al. 2013).  

 

Gittelsohn & Vastine (2003) have reviewed evidence of household factors associated with food taboos in many cultures where food security is dependent on subsistence farming. Their commentary elaborates that animal source foods are especially restricted to specific members of the family at different times. For example, pregnant mothers and young children are restricted from certain animal protein foods because of beliefs that these could be harmful. In other cultures however women and children are considered a lower class therefore animal protein which is scarce and has more significance in the diet, is reserved for men, older people or social events and purposes. These findings compliment Fessler and colleagues ethnographic review of animal protein food rules. Animal protein food has a certain significance and value in society which disguises them from other sources of food. They argue that such perception creates a psychological image which dictates action in how animal protein food is sourced, used, prepared and consumed. These practices become acceptable and culturally relevant, although in most cases unconsciously (Fessler & Navarrete 2003). 

 On the contrary, a review of 11 publications concluded that animal protein foods increase the quality of dietary intake, reduces multiple nutrient deficient complications in pregnancy and increase positive impact on children’s physical and cognitive growth and development (Allen 2015). But this is not a reality in the diets of many farming families where animal protein food may be scarce or consumption is socially restricted (Meyer-Rochow, 2009). Animal protein rich foods consumption is largely determined by cultural and religious customs and belief systems (Alonso 2015). This means the cultural and religious meaning of food contradict the biomedical definition of nutrient values and their functions. 

Chiu & Lin (2009) asset that animal protein rich foods are hazard to the natural environment and unethical therefore, farming communities should focus on sustainable plant source food ways. Whitehead (2000) would strongly disagree that food taboos are food rules enshrined in different cultural contexts for many reasons. The dilemma is between the social meanings and the scarcity of animal protein sources already facing farming families (Alonso 2015). We could learn from the Nigerian women who risked cultural beliefs about food and feed their children tabooed food (Ene-Obong et al. 2001). Through a gender lens, it is clear that we lack evidence of the relevance of social food meanings in societies where gender roles are changing to influence local food ways and dietary patterns (Tanka et al. 1999). 

 

Dietary patterns and child feeding practices  

Food consumption is a cultural phenomenon (Poser 2016). Whitehead’s (2000) argument that food consumption is a cultural evolution supports contemporary diet transition studies. For example, Smith & Smith (1999) found that dietary patterns are transitioning in both agrarian and market based households, leading to a different level of cultural evolution. What Fieldhouse (2013) and Friel & Baker (2009) concur that the nature of food intake is influenced by socio-cultural and economic factors. DeWalth (1993) agrees that dietary changes are associated with agricultural transitions. Dietary intake is dependent on seasonality, gender roles, cultural and food security dynamics and life-style changes (Tanka et al. 1999). A type of dietary analysis examines symbolic aspects of food consumption. Knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and behaviour that shape dietary patterns, practices and habits (Corsi et al. 2008, Gracey 2000, Lee 2014, Shack et al. 1990). Saweri (2001) shows that food consumption is determined by gender, sex, age and social status. Further evidence by Lepowsky (2010) and Neumann et al. (2002) supports these findings that food consumption is largely influenced by rules based on meanings attributed to particular foods, for example protein rich foods. Cultural etiquette to food consumption is considered more significant than the consequences for nutrition outcomes from those practices (Kittler & Sucker 2008). A study of visual distinguishing of food in Vanuatu show that people attribute diverse meanings and use for food contrary to scientific nutrition definitions. Food meaning and use are based on social values, pricing, seasonality, availability, children’s preferences, availability of fuel, and cooking time (Wentworth 2016). 

 

In the Pacific, and especially PNG, protein rich food is obtained mainly from plant sources such as dark green leaves, legumes, beans and nuts. Animal protein is a very rare part of people’s diets, especially for women and children. Pork is consumed occasionally during a feast in rural highlands communities; and seafood consumption is relatively common in coastal villages. Cattle, goats and sheep were introduced during colonial periods but are rare or non- existent in most regions (Plahe et al.2013). Some villages located near well used roads or those with good infrastructure farm small scale poultry for consumption and sale, providing some cash income. Other animal protein such as possums, wild pigs, cassowaries, birds and insects are hunted or traded in season by many families, and in times of hardship and famine (Bourke & Harwood 2009). Other studies by Azam et al. (2014) found that plant based famine foods have medicinal properties which benefit people without their knowing. And similarly, Barucha & Pretty (2010) show that wild foods are valued as food security sources.  

On the basis of these findings, it is clear that the main dietary factor contributing to PEM amongst children in subsistence farming homes is that children’s meals are made of high calories and very low protein (Lee 2014, Mueller & Smith 1999). Food rules and taboos which are embedded in the social and cultural meanings of food (Gracey 2000, Lepowsky 1987) contribute significantly to what children are given are fed. This is in addition to factors such as geographical location, food production, nutrition knowledge, food behaviour, sharing of roles, socio-economic situations, and the dynamics of changing social structures. A different pattern of food restrictions and taboos about child feeding has been observed at meal times. In the lower Waghi Valley of central PNG, children were found to be neglected, or didn’t have meal choices at meal times although household food was secure (Kebeele & Kebeele 2006). The study did not explore particular reasons behind this behaviours or the outcomes of such practices on the overall health and nutrition outcomes of children. A thesis in the context of Haitian culture found that children were viewed as a family asset, so having more children outweighed considerations of how and what children ate (Schwartz 2000).  

 

A myth in the Huli culture of central PNG perfectly sums up these findings because it captures the role and relationship that women play in child rearing and child feeding which is often undervalued by society (Kabeer 1994). In the myth, a child is portrayed as being weak, hungry and thirsty. The mother is forced to feed the child with gourd juice which she refuses to feed her child with breastmilk. However, in a quest to save her child, the mother opens a forbidden door to the underground lake which leads to the origin of the earth. The earth opens up its doors and a mighty flood suddenly swallows the woman and her hungry child. The myth is not about the hungry child, nor the mother’s different views which gave her drive and determination to do the alternative. It portrays curse as an outcome of disobedience to social and cultural belief systems and practices. On this note, a recent study amongst coloured mothers in the US found that women’s child feeding role is largely determined by social status and class. This means society judged women’s mothering skills by the way they judged how well-nourished or undernourished her child was (Brenton 2017). Bourdieu (1984) claims the complexities of beliefs which are profoundly shaped by class habitus, learned propositions and ways of interpreting the world. This study hopes to address these interpretations from a gendered socio-cultural perspective (Hartmann 2000, Kabeer 1994).

REFERENCES  

 

De Onis, M & Blössner, M 2003, ‘The World Health Organization global database on child growth and malnutrition: methodology and applications’, International Journal of Epidemiology, vol.32, no.4, pp.518-526 

 

Duncan, T 1994, Like father, like son; like mother, like daughter – parental resources and child height’, The Journal of Human Resources, vol. 29, no. 4, pp.950-988 

 

Brenton, J 2017, ‘The limits of intensive feeding: maternal foodwork at the intersections of race, class and gender’, Sociology of Health and Illness, vol. xx, no. xx, pp.1-15 

 

Abate, KH and Belachew, T 2017, ‘Women’s autonomy and men's involvement in child care and feeding as predictors of infant and young child anthropometric indices in coffee farming households of Jimma Zone, South West of Ethiopia’, PLoS One, vol. 12, no. 3 

 

Hou, X 2016, ‘How does women's decision-making power affect budget share, nutrition and education in Pakistan?’, Journal of Family and Economic Issues, vol. 37, no.1, pp.115-131 

 

Shroff, M; Paula, G; Adair,L et al. 2009, ‘Maternal autonomy is inversely related to child stunting in Andhra Pradesh, India’, Maternal and Child Nutrition, vol. 5, pp.64–74 

 

Gibson, J 2000, How can women’s education aid economic development? The effect on child stunting in Papua New Guinea, University of Waikato, Waikato  

 

Miller, LC; Joshi, N; Lohani,M et al. 2017, ‘Women’s education level amplifies the effects of a livelihoods-based intervention on household wealth, child diet, and child growth in rural Nepal’, International Journal for Equity in Health, vol. 16, no.1, pp.183-200 

 

Mittal, A, Singh, J and Ahluwalia, SK 2007, ‘Effect of maternal factors on nutritional status of 1-5-year-old children in slum population’, Indian Journal of Community Medicine, vol. 32, no. 4, pp.264-267 

 

Semba, RD; de Pee, S; Sun, K et al. 2008, ‘Effect of parental formal education on risk of child stunting in Indonesia and Bangladesh: a cross-sectional study’, The Lancet, vol. 371, no. 9609, pp.322–328  

 

Aguayo, VM & Menon, P 2016, ‘Stop stunting: improving child feeding, women’s nutrition and household sanitation in South Asia’, Maternal and Child Nutrition, vol. 12, no. 1, pp.3-11 

 

Vir, SC 2016, ‘Improving women’s nutrition imperative for rapid reduction of childhood stunting in South Asia: coupling of nutrition specific interventions with nutrition sensitive measures essential’, Maternal and Child Nutrition, vol. 12, no. 1, pp.72–90  

 

Victora, CG; Adair, L; Fall, C et al. 2008, ‘Maternal and child undernutrition: consequences for adult health and human capital’, Maternal and Child Undernutrition Series 2, The Lancet, vol. 371, pp.340-357 

 

Tangka, FK, Jabbar, MA and Shapiro, BI 1999, Gender roles and child nutrition in livestock production systems in developing countries: a critical review, Socio Economics Policy Research Working Paper 27, International Livestock Research Institute, Nairobi  

 

WHO 2018, Reducing stunting in children: equity considerations for achieving the global nutrition targets 2025, WHO, Geneva, viewed 1 May 2018, online: http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/260202/9789241513647-eng.pdf?sequence=1  

 

Victora, CG; Wagstaff, A; Schellenberg, JA et al. 2003, ‘Applying an equity lens to child health and mortality: more of the same is not enough’, The Lancet, vol. 362, no. 9379, pp. 233-241 

 

Haddad, LJ; Hawkes, C; Achadi, E et al. 2015, Global nutrition report 2015: actions and accountability to advance nutrition and sustainable development, International Food Policy Rsearch Institute, Washington  

 

Jones, G; Steketee, RW; Black et al. 2003, ‘Bellagio Child Survival Study Group: how many child deaths can we prevent this year?’ The Lancet, vol.362, no. 9377, pp. 65-71   

 

Onis, M; Dewey, KG; Borghi, E et al. 2013, ‘The WHO global target for reducing childhood stunting by 2025: rationale and proposed actions’, Maternal & Child Nutrition, vol. 9, no. S2, pp.6-26 

 

Stevens, GA; Finucane, MM; Paciorek, CJ et al. 2012; ‘Trends in mild, moderate, and severe stunting and underweight, and progress towards MDG 1 in 141 developing countries: a systematic analysis of population representative data’. The Lancet, vol. 380, no. 9844, pp.824-834 

 

You, D; Hug, L; Ejdemyr, S et al. 2015, ‘Global, regional, and national levels and trends in under-5 mortality between 1990 and 2015, with scenario-based projections to 2030: a systematic analysis by the UN Inter-Agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation’, The Lancet, vol. 386, no. 10010, pp .2275-2286 

 

De Onis, M; Brown, D; Blossner, M et al. 2012, Levels and trends in child  malnutrition: UNICEF-WHO-The World Bank joint child malnutrition estimates, UNICEF, WHO and World Bank, New York 

 

Duke, T 1999, 'Decline in child health in rural Papua New Guinea', The Lancet, vol.  

354, no. 9186, pp.291-1294 

 

Plahe, JK; Hawkes, S and Ponnamperuma, S 2013, ‘The corporate food regime and food sovereignty in the Pacific Islands’, The Contemporary Pacific, 25, no. 2, pp. 309-338 

 

Denoon, D and Dugan, K 2002, Public health in Papua New Guinea: medical possibility and social constraint, 1884-1984, Cambridge University Press, New York  

 

Hughes, RG & Lawrence, MA 2005, ‘Globalisation, food and health in Pacific Island countries’, Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 14, no. 4, p.298-306 

 

Allen, BJ; Bourke, R and Gibson, J 2005, 'Poor rural places in Papua New Guinea', Asia Pacific Viewpoint, vol. 46, no. 2, pp.201-217 

 

Umezaki, M; Kuchikura, Y; Yamauchi, T and Ohtsuka, R 2000, ‘Impact of population pressure on food production: an analysis of land use change and subsistence pattern in the Tari Basin in Papua New Guinea Highlands’, Human Ecology, vol. 28, no. 3, pp.359-381 

 

Norgan, N 1995, ‘Changes in patterns of growth and nutritional anthropometry in two rural modernizing Papua New Guinea communities’, Annals of Human Biology, vol. 22, no. 6, pp.491-513  

 

Omran, AR 2005, ‘The epidemiologic transition: a theory of the epidemiology of population change’, The Milbank Quarterly, vol. 83, no. 4, pp.731-757 

 

Barnett, J 2011, ‘Dangerous climate change in the Pacific Islands: food production and food security’, Regional Environmental Change, vol.11, no.1, pp.229-237 

 

Bourke, RM and Harwood, T 2009, History of agriculture in PNG, ANU E Press, Canberra  

 

Thaman, RR, Meleisea, M & Makasiale, J 2002, ‘Agricultural diversity and traditional knowledge as insurance against natural disasters’, Pacific Health Dialogue, vol. 9, no. 1, pp.76-85 

 

Yamauchi, T and Ohtsuka, R 2002, ‘Nutritional adaptation of women in contrasting agricultural environments in Tari, Papua New Guinea’, Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 45, no. 1-2, pp.99-105  

 

Hayley, N 2007, ‘Cosmology, morality and resource development: SHP election outcomes and moves to establish a separate Hela Province’, in N Hayley & R May (eds), Conflict and resource development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, ANU E Press, Canberra, pp.57-68 

 

DeWalt, KM 1993, ‘Nutrition and the commercialization of agriculture: ten years later’, Social Science & Medicine, vol. 36, no. 11, pp.1407-1416 

 

Gibson, J 2001 ‘Nutritional status of Papua New Guinea’s population and its determinants’ in J Gibson, Proceedings of the Papua New Guinea food and nutrition 2000 conference: food security in PNG, Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research, Canberra, pp.407-413 

 

Popkin, BM 1993, ‘Nutritional patterns and transitions’, Population and Development Review, vol. 19, no. 1, pp.138-157  

 

Saweri, W 2001, ‘The rocky road from roots to rice: a review of the changing food and nutrition in PNG’, Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 44, no. 3, pp.151-163 

 

Bayliss-Smith, T 1991, ‘Food security and agricultural sustainability in the New Guinea Highlands: vulnerable people, vulnerable places’, Institute of Development Studies Bulletin, vol. 22, no. 3  

 

Sillitoe, P 2001, ‘Pig men and women, big men and women: gender and production in the New Guinea Highland’, Ethnology, vol. 40, no. 3, pp.171-192 

 

Gittelsohn, J and Vastine, AE 2003, ‘Sociocultural and household factors impacting on the selection, allocation and consumption of animal source foods: current knowledge and application’, The Journal of Nutrition, vol. 133, no. 11, pp.4036S-4041S 

 

Giddens, A 2013, New rules of sociological method: a positive critique of interpretative sociologies, 2nd edn, John Wiley & Sons, United Kingdom 

 

Merton, RK 1995, ‘Opportunity structure: the emergence, diffusion, and differentiation of a sociological concept, 1930s-1950s’, in F Adler & SL William, The legacy of anomie theory: Advances in criminology theory, vol. 6, Transaction Publishers, London, pp.3-39 

 

Blumer, H. 1986. Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method, Univ of California Press 

 

Cahn, M & Liu, M 2008, 'Women and rural livelihood training: a case study from Papua New Guinea', Gender & Development, vol. 16, no. 1, pp.133-146 

 

Hartman, A 2000, ‘In Search of subjugated knowledge’, Journal of Feminist Family Therapy, vol.11, vol.4, pp.19-23  

 

Kabeer, N 1994, Reversed realities: gender hierarchies in development thought, Verso, London 

 

DFID 2000, Sustainable livelihoods guidance sheets, Department for International Development, viewed 1 June 2018 (http://www.livelihoods.org/info/info_guidancesheets.html) 

 

McGlynn, PJ; Renzaho, AMN; Pham, MD et al. 2018, ‘Critical examination of evidence for the nutritional status of children in Papua New Guinea – a systematic review’, Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 1-18 

 

Allen, 2007, ‘The Setting: land, economics and development in the Southern Highlands’, in N Hayley & R May (eds) 2007, Conflict and resource development in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea, E Press, Australian National University, Canberra, pp.35-46 

 

Modjeska, N 1982, ‘Production and inequality: perspectives from central New Guinea, in A Strathern, Inequality in New Guinea Highlands Societies, Cambridge University Press, pp.50-108 

 

Anderson, T 2006, ‘On the economic value of customary land in Papua New Guinea’, Pacific Economic Bulletin, vol. 21, no. 1, pp.138-152 

 

Ballard, C 1997, ‘It's the land, stupid! the moral economy of resource ownership in Papua New Guinea’, The governance of common property in the Pacific region, pp. 47-65 

 

Richards, E; Theobald, S; George, A et al. 2013,‘Going beyond the surface: gendered intra-household bargaining as a social determinant of child health and nutrition in low and middle income countries’, Social Science & Medicine, vol. 95, .24-33  

 

Moher, D; Liberati, A; Tetzlaff, J and Altman, DG 2010, ‘Preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses: the PRISMA statement’, International Journal of Surgery, vol. 8, no. 5, pp. 336-341 

 

Miles, MB, Huberman, AM and Saldana, J 2013, Qualitative data analysis 3rd edn, Sage, Los Angeles  

 

Munro, D 2012, ‘Land and capital’, The Journal of Australian Political Economy, no.  

70, pp.214-232 

 

Berkes, F; Kofinas, GP and Chapin, FS 2009, ‘Conservation, community, and livelihoods: sustaining, renewing, and adapting cultural connections to the land’, in FS Chapin, GP Kofinas, & C Folke (eds), Principles of ecosystem stewardship: Resilience-based ecosystem resource management in a changing world, Springer, New York, pp.129-147 

 

Ballard, C 2002, ‘A history of Huli society and settlement in the Tari region’, Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 45, no. 1-2, pp.8-14 

 

• 2001, ‘Wetland drainage and agricultural transformations in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea’, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, vol. 42, no. 2‐3, pp. 287-304 

 

• 1998, 'The sun by night: Huli moral topography and myths of a time of darkness', in LR Goldman and C Ballard (eds), Fluid Ontologies: myth, ritual and philosophy in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea, inBergin & Garvey, London,  pp.67-85 

 

• 1995, 'The death of a great land: ritual history and subsistence revolution in the Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea', PHD thesis, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia  

 

Westermark, G 1997, ‘Clan claims: land, law and violence in the Papua New Guinea Eastern Highlands’, Oceania, vol. 67, no. 3, pp. 218-233 

 

Allen, BJ; Bourke, M and Hide, RL 1995, ‘The sustainability of Papua New Guinea agricultural systems: the conceptual background’, Global Environmental Change, vol.5, no.5, pp.297-312 

 

Windybank, S and Manning, M 2003, ‘Issue analysis: Papua New Guinea on the brink’, The Centre for Independent Studies, no.30 

 

Allen, BJ 2002, ‘Birthweight and environment at Tari’, Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 45, pp.88-98 

 

Sillitoe, P 1999, ‘Where to next? Garden site selection in the Papua New Guinea highlands’, Oceania, vol. 69, no. 3, pp.184-208 

 

Schwandt, TA 2000, ‘Three epistemological stances for qualitative inquiry’, in NK Denzin and YS Lincoln, Handbook of qualitative research, Sage, Thousand Oaks, pp.189-213 

 

Cahn, M. & Liu, M. (2008) 'Women and rural livelihood training: A case study from Papua New Guinea', in Gender & Development, 16: 1, March, 133-146 

 

Boyd, DJ 2001, ‘Life without pigs: recent subsistence changes among the Irakia Awa, Papua New Guinea’, Human Ecology, vol. 29, no. 3, pp.259-282 

 

Minnegal, M & Dwyer, PD 1997, ‘Women, pigs, God and evolution: social and economic change among the Kubo people of Papua New Guinea’, Oceania, vol. 68, no.1, pp.47-60 

 

Pamphilon, B and Mikhailovich, K 2017, ‘Bringing together learning from two worlds: lessons from a gender-inclusive community education approach with smallholder farmers in Papua New Guinea’, Australian Journal of Adult Learning, vol. 57, no. 2, pp.172-196 

 

Stürzenhofecker, G 1998, Times enmeshed: gender, space, and history among the Duna of Papua New Guinea, Stanford University Press, Stanford  

 

Price, M 2016, Pigs and power: pig husbandry in Northern Mesopotamia during the emergence of social complexity (6500-2000 Bc), PHD Thesis, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts 

 

Ategbo, EAD1993, ‘Food and nutrition insecurity in northern Benin: impact on growth performance of children and on year to year nutritional status of adults, Ategbo  

 

Whitehead, H 2000, Food rules: hunting, sharing, and tabooing game in Papua New Guinea, University of Michigan Press, Michigan 

 

Bourke, MR 2001, An Overview of food security in PNG, Department of Human Geography, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, ANU, Canberra, Australia 

 

Pangau-Adam, M; Noske, R and Muehlenberg, M 2012, ‘Wildmeat or bushmeat? subsistence hunting and commercial harvesting in Papua (West New Guinea), Indonesia’, Human Ecology, vol. 40, no. 4, pp.611-621 

 

Wood, BA; Blair, HT; Gray, DI et al. 2014, ‘Agricultural science in the wild: a social network analysis of farmer knowledge exchange’, PLoS ONE, vol. 9, no. 8, pp. 1-10 

 

Allen, MG 2015, ‘Framing food security in the Pacific Islands: empirical evidence from an island in the Western Pacific’, Regional Environmental Change, vol.15, no. 7, pp.1341-1353 

 

Bharucha, Z and Pretty, J 2010, ‘The roles and values of wild foods in agricultural systems’, Philosophical Transactions of Royal B Society, vol. 365, no. 1554, pp.913-2926 

 

Azam, FMS; Biswas, A; Mannan, A; Afsana, NA; Jahan, R and Rahmatullah, M 2014, ‘Are famine food plants also ethnomedicinal plants? an ethnomedicinal appraisal of famine food plants of two districts of Bangladesh’, Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine, vol. 2014, pp.1-29 

 

Kawabe, T 1983, ‘Development of hunting and fishing skill among boys of the Gidra in lowland Papua New Guinea’, Journal of Human Ergology, vol. 12, no. pp.65-74 

 

White, L 1943, ‘Energy and the evolution of culture’, American Anthropologist, vol. 45, no. 3, pp.335-356 

 

Pinstrup-Andersen, P 2009, ‘Food security: definition and measurement’, Food security, vol.1, no. 1, pp.5-7 

 

Carr, D1987, ‘Interpreting Husserl: critical and comparative studies, vol. 106, Springer Science & Business Media, University of Ottawa  

 

Wentworth, C 2016, ‘Public eating, private pain: children, feasting, and food security in Vanuatu’, Food and Foodways, vol. 24, no. 3-4, pp.136-152 

 

Poser, AV 2016, Foodways and empathy: relatedness in a Ramu River society, Papua New Guinea, Berghahn, New York 

 

Meyer-Rochow, VB 2009, ‘Food taboos: their origins and purposes’, Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine, vol. 5, no. 18, pp.1-10 

 

Fieldhouse, P 2013, Food and nutrition: customs and culture, 2nd end, Springer, London 

 

Fessler, DMT and Navarrete, CD 2003, ‘Meat is too good to taboo: dietary proscriptions as a product of the interaction of psychological mechanisms and social process’, Journal of Cognition and Culture, vol. 3, no. 1, pp.1-40. 

 

Worsley, A 1998, ‘Food habits and beliefs in traditional societies’, Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 7, no. 3/4, pp.287-292. 

 

Boatbil, CS; Guure, CB and Ayoung, AD 2014, ‘Impact of belief systems on the management of child malnutrition: the case of Talensis of Northern Ghana’, Journal of Food Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, pp.57-70 

 

Stewart, P & Strathern, A 2005, 'Cosmology, resoruces and lanscape: agencies of the dead and the living in Duna, Papua New Guinea', Ethnology, vol. 44, no. 1, pp.35-47 

 

Alexeyeff, K 2004, 'Love food: exchange and sustenance in the Cook Islands diaspora', The Australian Journal of Anthropology, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 68-79 

 

Mintz, SW and Du Bois, CM 2002, 'The anthropology of food and eating', Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 31, no. 2002, pp. 99-119 

 

Altomare, R; Cacciabaudo, F; Damiano, G; et al. 2013; ‘The Mediterranean diet: a history of health’, Iranian journal of public health, vol. 42, no. 5, p.449-457 

 

Alonso, BE 2015, ‘The impact of culture, religion and traditional knowledge on food and nutrition security in developing countries’, In FoodSecure Working Paper Series, no. 30, pp. 1-81 

 

Chiu, THT and Lin, CL 2009, ‘Ethical management of food systems: plant based diet as a holistic approach’, Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 18, no. 4, pp.647-653 

 

Ene-Obong, HN; Enugu, GI and Uwaegbute, AC 2001, ‘Determinants of health and nutritional status of rural Nigerian women’, Journal of Health, Population and Nutrition, vol.19, no.4, pp.320-330 

 

Smith, PA and Smith, RM 1999, ‘Diets in transition: hunter - gatherer to station diet and station diet to the self-select store diet’, Human Ecology, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 115-133 

 

Corsi, A; Englberger, L; Flores, R et al. 2008, ‘A participatory assessment of dietary patterns and food behavior in Pohnpei, Federated States of Micronesia’, Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 17, no. 2, pp.309-316 

 

Gracey, M 2000, ‘Historical, cultural, political, and social influences on dietary patterns and nutrition in Australian Aboriginal children1–4, The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, vol. 72, no. 5, pp.1361s-1367s 

 

Lee, DER 2014, ‘Children’s protein consumption in Southeast Asia: considerations of quality as well as quantity of children’s protein consumption in Southeast Asia, Wharton Research Scholars, no.115  

 

Shack, KW; Grivetti, LE and Dewey, KG 1990, ‘Cash cropping, subsistence agriculture, and nutritional status among mothers and children in lowland Papua New Guinea’, Social Science & Medicine, vol. 31, no.1, pp.61-68 

 

Lepowsky, M 1987, ‘Food taboos and child survival: a case study from the Coral Sea’, in N Scheper-Hughes (ed), Child survival: anthropological perspectives on the treatment and maltreatment of children, D. Reidel Publishing Company, California, pp.71-92 

 

Neumann, C; Harris, DM and Rogers, LM 2002, ‘Contribution of animal food source in improving diet quality and function in children in the developing world’, Nutrition Research, vol. 22, no. 1, pp.193-220 

 

Kittler, PG and Sucher, KP 2008, Food and Culture, 5th edn, Thomson Wadsworth, Australia 

 

Mueller, I and Smith, TA 1999, 'Patterns of child growth in Papua New Guinea and their relation to environmental, dietary and socioeconomic factors: further analyses of the 1982-1983 PNG  National Nutrition Survey', Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 42, no. 3-4, pp. 94-113 

 

Keeble, J and Keeble, R 2006, ‘A qualitative study of beliefs about food relating to child nutrition in the Lower Jimi Valley’, Papua New Guinea Medical Journal, vol. 49, no. 3-4, p.162-165 

 

Schwartz, TT 2000, ‘Children are the wealth of the poor: high fertility and the organization of labour in the rural economy of Jean Rabel, Haiti, PHD thesis, University of Florida, Florida 

 

Bourdieu, P 1984, Distinction: a social critique of the judgment of taste, Harvard University 

Press, Cambridge 

 

Yin, RK 2017, Case study research and applications: design and methods, Sage publications, London  

 

Bronfenbrenner U, 1994, ‘Ecological models of human development’, International Encyclopadeia of Education, vol. 3, no. 2, pp.1643-1647 

 

Adato, M and Meinzen-Dick, R 2002, Assessing the impact of agricultural research on poverty using the sustainable livelihoods framework, Discussion Paper no. 189, International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC 

 

Meyer, S & Ward, P 2014, ‘How to sociological theory within and throughout qualitative research in health care contexts’, Sociology Compass, vol. 8, no. 5, pp.525-539  

 

Fetterman, DM 2010, Ethnography: step-by-step, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks 

 

Liamputtong, P 2010, 'Cross-cultural research and qualitative inquiry’, Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry, vol. 1, no. 1, pp.16-29  

 

Fetterman, DM 1989, Ethnography: step-by-step, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks. 

 

Schuetz, A 1945, ‘On multiple realities’, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, vol. 5, no. 4, pp.533-576 

 

Burns, RB 1994, Introduction to research methods, 2nd edn, Longman Australia PTY LTD, Melbourne  

 

Hays, PA 2004, Case study research, in K DeMarrais & SD Lapan 2004, Foundations for research: methods of inquiry in education and the social sciences, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers, London, pp.217-234 

 

Punch, KF 2013, Introduction to social research: quantitative and qualitative approaches, Sage, London 

 

Patton, M 2002, Qualitative research and evaluation methods, Sage, California  

 

Gulliford, MC, Mahabir, D and Rocke, B 2004, ‘Reliability and validity of a short form household food security scale in a Caribbean community’, BMC Public Health, vol. 4, no. 22 

 

Burnad, P 1991, ‘A method of analysing interview transcripts in qualitative research’, Nursing Education Today, vol. 11, pp.461-466 

 

Van Teijlingen, E and Hundley, V 2002, ‘The importance of pilot studies’, Nursing Standard, vol. 16, no. 40, pp.33-36 

 

Appendix 1: Systematic literature search strategy 

  

Search 1 concept:  Location	(pacific islands* or melanesia* or fiji* or new caledonia* or papua new guinea* or vanuatu* or micronesia* or guam* or palau* or new zealand* or polynesia* or hawai* or pitcairn islandor* or samoa* or tonga* or oceania* or new south wales or northern territory* or queensland* or tasmania* or victoria* or australia*).tw.
Search 2 concept:   Food ways	agricultur* or garden* OR farm* or hunt* or “land management” or land ownership” or “land value” Ethnography or belief* or behaviour or behavior or cultur* or "life style" or knowledge or educat* or custom* or belief or believe* or cosmolog* or cultivat* or barrier* or facilitat* or obstacle* or taboo ).tw.
Search 3 concept: Nutrition	(food* or diet* or nutrition* or breastfeed*).tw. Food Preferences/ or Food Supply/ or Food, Preserved/ or Food Preservation/ or Food Habits/ or Food Handling/ or Food, Organic/ or Food Deprivation/ or Food Storage/ or Food/ or Food Quality/ or Food Security/ or Agriculture/ or farm
Search 4 concept:   Social factors	(gender  OR  "Social role*"  OR  "gender role*" ) Social Norms/ OR Hierarchy, Social/ OR Socioeconomic Factors/

 

 

 

 

 

3.